by Eric Bernstein
On November 3rd, the Kurdish
People’s Protection Units (YPG) launched an
offensive to consolidate its control of the Hasaka province by pushing
al-Qaeda-affiliated Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) and Jabhat
al-Nusra (JN) out of the area surrounding the Turkish border city of Ras
al-Ayn. The move came a week after the YPG, which serves as the armed wing of
the Democratic Union Party (PYD) and the unofficial Kurdish security force, captured
the city of Yarubiya on Hasaka’s border with Iraq. Hasaka, home to the majority of Syria’s
oil reserves as well as a 70% Kurdish population, serves as the primary support
base for the PYD. As a buffer against ISIS positions further west, Ras al-Ayn
is essential to the PYD’s efforts to create a zone of peaceful Kurdish provincial
autonomy amid Syria’s ongoing civil war.
The YPG’s operation, dubbed the “Serekeniye
Martyr’s Offensive,” was a quick success that resulted in the capture of 38 small villages and military positions in a 15 kilometer radius south and west of Ras
al-Ayn. Assuming that the YPG fortifies these newly acquired positions, as it has
dutifully done with other acquisitions throughout the conflict, these
territorial gains will greatly enlarge the geographic barrier protecting
against attacks from ISIS positions around Tal Abyad, in northern ar-Raqqa
province.
The offensive, currently in its third
phase, has targeted ISIS and JN positions that previously served as launching points for shelling campaigns and raids on YPG
patrols and checkpoints in Ras al-Ayn. The first phase of the offensive, which began November 3rd and ended November 4th,
was a push southeast along Highway 716 towards Hasaka city. The second, which
began November 4th and ended November 5th, focused on a
push west along Highway 712, in the direction of Tal Abyad. The captured
positions range from neighborhood-sized suburbs to outposts consisting of a few
residential buildings on strategic roads or intersections. No information has
yet been released on the objectives or status of the third phase.
Serekeniye Martyr’s Offensive Phases 1 and 2
The success of the Serekeniye Martyr’s Offensive
is indicative of the strength, discipline, and organization that armed Kurdish
groups have exhibited throughout their clashes with al-Qaeda affiliates over
the last six months. In July the YPG’s general command announce a change of military posture from “defense and protection” into combat mode,
yet until the Serekeniye Martyr’s Offensive, the YPG had maintained a mostly cautious
posture – repelling attacks, advancing conservatively, and holding new
territory firmly. It is unclear whether this offensive was an isolated YPG
surge aimed solely at consolidating control of Ras al-Ayn, or if it represents
a broad shift to a more aggressive and expansionary YPG strategy.
If the YPG is indeed changing its
strategy, advances into Tal Abyad and further west will signal the shift. Comments by
YPG spokesman Redur Xelil show that the militia plans to advance at least as
far as the city outskirts. Any push further,
into Tal Abyad proper, will indicate that the YPG in northeastern Syria intends
to unite with its counterparts in the Aleppo border towns of Azaz and Jarablus.
These cities further west are home to considerable minority Kurdish
populations, but are predominantly Arab and currently controlled by ISIS and
other opposition groups. Capturing and securing them would require a military
operation of a scale that the YPG has not yet carried out.
Another possibility is that the success and
magnitude of the offensive was exaggerated by a coinciding strategic withdrawal
on the part of ISIS and JN. Facing fierce YPG resistance, a decrease in Turkish support,
and the loss of access to the Iraqi border crossing at Yarubiya, the al-Qaeda
affiliates may have pulled back from Hasaka in order to reinforce against the
ongoing regime offensive in Aleppo and bolster other strongholds in ar-Raqqa
and Deir ez-Zor provinces. Although Xelil denied any such retreat, the fact
that the YPG’s recent gains around Ras al-Ayn came so rapidly and with so few casualties
on either side, suggests some degree of surrender on the part of ISIS and JN,
which are renowned for their fighting ability and unlikely to have been routed
so abruptly. Given the al-Qaeda-affiliates’ apparent disadvantage in Hasaka – evidenced
by their loss of Ras al-Ayn
city and positions
near Yarubiya as early as this summer – abandoning the province for more
promising fronts would make strategic sense. The retreat hypothesis also
comports with SOHR reports,
as well as various social and mainstream media
statements.
Less than a week
after the completion of the offensive’s second phase, on November 12th,
the PYD announced the
formation of an interim government in Hasaka. Initial reactions to
this announcement from the Syrian opposition, Iraqi Kurds, and Turkey were
overwhelmingly negative. Rebels, who
have long accused the
Kurds of collaborating with Assad, renewed their allegations of PYD betrayal,
while foreign governments insisted
that the PYD could not unilaterally establish autonomy within a sovereign
nation. Even other Kurdish groups – concerned over the concentration of power
in the hands of the PYD – objected on
the grounds that the announcement ran counter to Kurdish ambitions of a unified
state that would comprise territories of Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran. The PYD
denies any
relationship with the Assad regime and insists it supports the revolution and
that its interim government would function as a regional body, operating
parallel to a post-Assad Syrian government, and nothing more.
For the moment, it
seems that this debate will remain ancillary, as no acting parties appear to possess
the energy, resources, and will necessary to challenge the YPG’s eminence in
Hasaka.